Contemporary approach towards the ecology in Ghana is one determine by economic pervasiveness in generating resources for better living conditions. Among the topical ecological issues today is illegal mining popularly known as ‘galamsey’; and one of the most affected are water bodies. Even more serious is the inability of the government and authorities vested with the legitimacy to protect the ecology to adequately deal with such menace. Again, the role of traditional authorities who are seen as custodians of culture and allodial holders of land have been ineffective in dealing with the unchecked and unmeasured attitude towards the ecology in Ghana. The corollary is that it is projected that if these pollutions are not abated immediately, Ghana may import drinking water in the near future. The phenomena has resonated many discourses on the attitude towards water bodies. Traditional approaches towards the ecology has been under two streams; spirito-centric and physical approaches. Here, water bodies have been managed by communities with the thought that inherent in them are spirit beings or gods. This had restricted pollution attempts over the years till now. This study takes a look at the traditional beliefs and conservationist approaches that have been held towards water bodies and how these beliefs aided in protecting and safeguarding water bodies from pollution. It further assesses the extent to which these beliefs can be re-centered to elicit a more protective approach towards water bodies. The position is that traditional beliefs form a viable basis for an ethic of the ecology.
Keywords: Traditional Beliefs, Ecology, Ethics, Water, Ghana.
En 1948 el partido nacional afrikáner en Sudáfrica ganó las elecciones e impuso un régimen capitalista racial basado en la exclusión política y la explotación económica de la mayoría de la población africana, colorada e india. En este trabajo se investiga sobre la secuencia de las leyes discriminatorias establecidas y las diferentes respuestas o acciones colectivas de las organizaciones que conforman el movimiento de liberación nacional hasta 1960, es concreto, las referidas al Congreso Nacional Africano liderado por Albert Luthuli y el Congreso Pan Africanista dirigido por Robert Sobukwe.
Em 28 dezembro de 1895 Ngungunhane (c.1850-1906), desde 1884 rei de Gaza, foi capturado na sua residência em Chaimite por tropas coloniais portuguesas chefiadas pelo oficial da cavalaria Mouzinho de Albuquerque (1855-1902). Em 13 de janeiro de 1896, Ngungunghane e a sua comitiva de catorze pessoas, entre as quais as suas sete mulheres Namatuco, Machacha, Patihina, Chlézipe, Fussi, Muzamusse and Dabondi, foram deportados de barco para Lisboa onde chegaram a 13 de março. Até 22 de junho todos os prisioneiros foram detidos no Forte Monsanto em Lisboa. No dia seguinte, Ngungunhane que se recusou de escolher entre as suas sete mulheres uma para o acompanhar para o exílio, foi deportado junto com três companheiros para os Açores, onde falecerá em 1906. Separadas do seu marido, em 6 de julho, os portugueses deportaram as sete mulheres do Ngungunhane, três outras mulheres e o jovem cozinheiro para a ilha de São Tomé, a segunda diáspora africana do Atlântico. Naquela época as plantações da ilha eram destino de milhares de trabalhadores forçados de Angola, Moçambique e Cabo Verde. Somente em agosto de 1911, cinco das mulheres, agora batizadas com nomes católicos, foram repatriadas para Gaza. As outras morreram em São Tomé. Esta comunicação pretende disponibilizar alguns dados e informações sobre este trágico capítulo pouco conhecido da história do Atlântico, na viragem do século XIX para o século XX.
El Derecho internacional se ha desarrollado durante siglos principalmente por personas blancas y europeas –posteriormente, occidentales o del Norte global–; personas socializadas en la religión cristiana; personas privilegiadas y poderosas, esto es, elites políticas, sociales, económicas e intelectuales; y hombres, socializados además en modelos de masculinidad que, aunque no han sido ni idénticos ni inmutables, sí han tenido –y tienen– unas características hegemónicas determinadas y fundamentalmente opresoras y excluyentes. Todo ello ha dejado fuera de su agenda las ideas, intereses, aportaciones y preocupaciones de la gran mayoría de los Estados, pueblos y personas del mundo, entre ellas, por supuesto, las del continente africano.
En la agenda crítica que las aportaciones académicas africanas realizan a la disciplina, el primer paso es revisar su pasado en toda su complejidad, sus continuidades y discontinuidades, para desvelar su origen y desarrollo eurocéntrico y cristiano, y la importancia del colonialismo y el imperialismo como elementos fundacionales y nucleares de la disciplina. A partir de esa revisión, el segundo paso es introducir la realidad y los intereses del continente en los análisis, desenmascarar el poder todavía presente en la construcción de conocimiento y reivindicar las aportaciones africanas a la disciplina (entre otras, la Carta de Mandén o Kurukan Fuga como antecedente de ámbitos clave del Derecho internacional como los derechos humanos o el derecho diplomático).
Por tanto, esta comunicación pretende, primero, visibilizar las críticas que, desde la, academia africana del Derecho internacional se han realizado al carácter occidental, (neo)colonial y excluyente, entre otras, de su origen, naturaleza, conceptos clave y presupuestos ontológicos y epistemológicos; y, segundo, analizar las propuestas que desde ahí se hacen para orientar ese Derecho hacia la justicia global.
The methodology through which the sub-theme is conceptualized necessitates that the individual capable of engaging in self-criticism for decolonization must originate from the North, implying representation on behalf of the northern populace. This subject must be comprehended and deliberated upon by any individual, as self-criticism cannot be realized by the victim but exclusively by the perpetrator. In this manner, it can be refined into a critique that is neutral and open to embracing diverse perspectives for discussion, rather than serving merely as a character, with the aim of generating solutions pertinent to the continent, particularly Africa.
When discussing the decolonization of Africa, it is evident that European nations were the architects of colonialism; they initiated the process of flag independence and subsequently established neo-colonialism couple with their various tentacles, which ensuring the ongoing exploitation of resources through their extensive reach leap, devastation, and perpetuation of a harsh cycle of poverty. This is still continuing to be achieved by implementing and reinforcing harmful policies directed at the African populace, particularly through loans and intentional technological stagnation. Consequently, in addressing the need for self-criticism in the decolonization of Africa, it is imperative that Europeans take a hard look at themselves, reflecting on Cooley’s theory of the “Looking Glass Self.” It is clear that they are aware of where to conduct a thorough diagnosis and understand the various ills afflicting Africa, allowing them to recommend appropriate therapeutic interventions that the continent can adopt for better relief. Consequently, they can pave the way for Africa's decolonization. As a citizen of the global south, we are acutely aware of who colonized Africa; we recognize those who granted us illusory independence while persistently exploiting our resources, and they must be capable of self-reflection regarding their harmful actions toward innocent Black communities.
